On a mid-October
afternoon at the bottom of a sheer canyon on
Northern California's Trinity River, a Hupa Indian
named Amos Pole babies a jet boat against the
rushing current. For the Hupas, this craggy chasm is
a sort of psychic power spot. Dense stands of fir
crowd down to the edge of the river, where, in late
fall, chinook salmon idle in deep pools before
continuing their exhausting journey upstream to
their spawning grounds.
Leonard "Spam" Ferris
and his family have been using gill nets to fish for
salmon on the Trinity River for generations. But the
fish numbers have dropped, and the fish come later
than they did when he fished with his grandfather.
By Andreas Fuhrmann/Redding Record Searchlight
Today, Pole is taking
water temperature readings for the tribal
government, but he, like many Hupas, frequently come
down to the river to fish. Some 2,500 Hupas live on
the 12-square-mile Hoopa Valley Indian Reservation
tucked into a fold in the Klamath Mountains. (Thanks
to an orthographic quirk, the people themselves are
"Hupa," while the valley is spelled "Hoopa.") The
Trinity River runs through the middle of the
reservation, and the river's spring and fall runs of
salmon figure large in the history and identity of
the people.
Salmon fishing here is
largely an extended form of sharing. Rights to use
specific fishing holes have been handed down within
families from generation to generation, but they are
also often loaned to friends in exchange for a
couple of fish. Fishermen preserve much of their
catch by smoking it over smoldering alder fires, and
often give fish away to relatives.
But things are
changing. Because of a series of limits and outright
fishing bans, Northern California's open-ocean
salmon fishermen have barely been able to fish the
past three years. Paradoxically, that has opened a
window of opportunity for fishermen on the Hoopa
Reservation, 42 miles up the river from the coast,
to sell their fish to outside buyers. Commercial
fishing has surged: In 2006, the tribe had no
commercial fishery to speak of; three years later,
Hupa fishermen sold three-quarters of their catch to
off-reservation buyers.
This stretch of the
river -- known simply as "the Gorge" -- was packed
with nets last summer, Pole recalls. "I was dodging
nets," he says. "You could actually come down here
and see the fish stacked up" trying to get through.
The sudden surge in commercial fishing has opened
painful rifts within the tribe.
There's widespread resentment that only an elite few
have benefited from the sale of the tribe's fish.
"The way it is, only a few families are profiting
off of our resources here," says Pole. He's critical
of Hupas who sell fish to outsiders when many tribe
members can't get salmon themselves. "You have to
feed your people first."
But that's not all.
Many of the Hupas who are making money from the
fishery are the very tribal government employees
ostensibly charged with managing the tribe's
hard-won allocation of fish.
According to records from the tribal police and a
wholesale fish company, Mike Orcutt, the director of
the tribal fisheries department, has made more money
from the commercial fishery than anyone else on the
reservation. Daniel Jordan, the director of the
tribe's self-governance office, which advises the
tribal council, has also sold fish off the
reservation, as have at least three other fisheries
department employees. And many Hupas charge that
Orcutt, Jordan and other fisheries employees did
their best to conceal the fact that there were
opportunities to market the fish. "This was a
clandestine commercial fishery," says Lyle Marshall,
a former tribal chairman. "And if you look at the
list of people who fished, they're either
employees of the fisheries department or their
relatives; or the (tribal) chairman's relatives; or
the self-governance director's relatives.
Nobody else knew about it."
In the grand scheme of
the millions of salmon that are caught from
California to Alaska each year, the Hupas' fish are
a drop in the bucket. Last year, the tribe was
allotted just 6,920 fish.
That may not seem like
a lot, but those fish were hard-won. The Hupas'
right to fish is tied to a "reserved right"
implicitly created when the reservation was
established in the 19th century. But in the late
1970s, tensions rose between white commercial
fishermen and Indian tribes, and the Hupa and
neighboring Yurok Tribe were blamed for a
precipitous decline in salmon populations. In a
series of incidents known as "the fish wars," the
federal government deployed officers to the
reservation to keep the Indians off the water. "They
brought in helicopters. They brought in boats. They
had M-16s and they were ripping up and down the
river like it was Vietnam," remembers Marshall.
But ultimately it
became clear that the Indians' role in the salmon
decline was minimal, and a series of court decisions
affirmed the two tribes' combined right to half the
"harvestable" salmon in the river. (A substantial
percentage of each year's returning salmon must be
allowed to return to their home streams to spawn.)
In the decades since, the Hupas have gained a
reputation as tough advocates for restoring salmon
runs in the Trinity, whose natural flow had been
destroyed by dams and water-diversion projects for
Central Valley farms.
Traditionally, the
Hupas have primarily caught fish for "subsistence
and ceremony." But for decades, on and off, the
tribe has also eyed its salmon as a potential, and
much-needed, source of income. By all accounts, no
one has more tirelessly promoted commercial fishing
than Mike Orcutt and Daniel Jordan, the tribal
self-governance coordinator. "We've been sitting on
a gold mine for years," says Orcutt. But, he adds,
"we couldn't even get anybody interested until three
years ago."
Ironically, the
tribe's big break came amid a disastrous meltdown
for the salmon fishermen who steam out to sea from
California's northern coast. Salmon populations
native to California's Central Valley, farther down
the coast, have plummeted dramatically. Because
those fish commingle with more plentiful Trinity and
Klamath River salmon in the ocean, sea-going
fishermen along the North Coast inadvertently, but
inevitably, catch fish from the more imperiled
southern runs. To protect the Central Valley fish,
the entire ocean fishery in California was shut down
in 2008. That happened again in 2009. In 2010,
fishing was allowed again, but the season was so
abbreviated that it might as well have never
happened.
Because the Hoopa
Valley Reservation is inland, however, fishermen
there can continue to fish in the Trinity River
despite the open-ocean bans. The Central Valley runs
never enter the Trinity, so there's no chance of
catching them.
As a result,
commercial fishing on the reservation has taken off.
In 2008, a company called Wild Planet Foods, based
on the coast nearby, began buying fish from Hupa
fisherman. By the next year, Hupas sold nearly
three-quarters of the fish they caught. Yet only
about 27 Hupas fished commercially, and the fact
that off-reservation wholesalers were interested in
buying fish was not widely known.
Resentment over the
situation broke into the open last June, when a Hupa
discovered several nets -- set by Orcutt and his
brother -- where he usually set his own. That
discovery soon made its way onto Facebook and
sparked an emotional special session of the tribal
council in September.
Many tribal members'
bitterness has been stoked by the fact that, as
fisheries director, Orcutt already makes close to
$100,000 a year. In 2009, Orcutt, his brother,
Kevin, and his wife, Vivienna, sold more than 800
fish to Wild Planet, for about $32,000. Last year,
the family made $19,000 selling fish to the company
-- accounting for more than half the fish that Hupa
tribe members sold to it.
Orcutt is unapologetic
about his participation in the commercial fishery.
The money he made wasn't all that significant, he
says: "Nobody was making a million dollars on it or
anything."
Yet relative wealth is
measured in far smaller increments on a reservation
where average per capita income is $9,908 and the
unemployment rate is somewhere around 60 percent.
The controversy is as much about fairness and equity
as it is about fish. Even though every tribal member
theoretically has an equal share in the reservation
and its natural resources, that ideal is hardly
borne out in practice. And nowhere is it easier to
see that than in the Gorge.
Because the Gorge is
the first place that salmon migrating upstream cross
onto the reservation, it is a kind of fisherman's
mother lode. The farther upstream a Hupa's fishing
spot, the fewer he typically catches, because many
fish have already swum into the gantlet of
successive nets downstream.
But to fish the Gorge,
you need a jet boat, which can navigate shallow
riffles. And jet boats can cost as much as $50,000.
"Ninety-nine percent is only accessible by boat, and
there's only a few guys that have boats," says Jude
Hostler, who himself fished commercially in 2009.
Most of the Hupas who fish commercially own their
own jet boats.
The tribal chairman,
Leonard Masten, is unsympathetic to the argument
that Hupas who fish in the Gorge are shutting out
those who can't. "People like myself, that choose to
spend their money on a boat rather than something
else, should I be criticized for that?" he says. "We
have other people around here that want to bitch and
complain, but they don't want to get off their ass
and buy a boat."
Among the Hupas, there
are considerable differences of opinion about
whether it's even legal for individual tribe members
to sell fish off the reservation. In 1989, Hupa
voters passed a referendum that allowed a "tribally
operated commercial fishery," and directed the
tribal council to formulate an ordinance to regulate
that fishery. Yet the fishing ordinance was never
amended and, other than for a one-time trial run in
1991, specific regulations have never been written
for a commercial fishery. Today, the fishing
ordinance posted on the tribe's website clearly says
the activity is prohibited.
Tom Schlosser, the
tribe's attorney, says commercial fishing was
legalized by the 1989 referendum -- but beyond that,
it gets complicated. "Clearly, the people passed a
referendum measure, and that hasn't been rescinded.
So that's a matter of tribal law," he says.
"Now exactly what it
means," he adds, "is an internal tribal issue."
By most accounts, both
Orcutt and Jordan have played a crucial role in
defending the tribe's interests in the often
hard-ball game of water politics. They are not shy
about making that point themselves. "The reason why
those fish are there today is because we fought for
them," says Jordan. "We have absolutely been
successful in getting this tribe what it deserves."
But the two men have
also advanced a dubious argument that their personal
fishing helps the tribe. Since 1991, there have been
only three years in which Hupa fishermen caught the
tribe's full allocation of salmon. Orcutt and Jordan
frequently warn that the tribe might find itself in
a use-it-or-lose-it situation: If Hupas can't
demonstrate a need for their full allocation of
fish, some may be re-allocated to other tribes.
By developing a market
off the reservation for Hupa fish, Orcutt says, he's
helping to ensure that as much of the Hupa's share
of fish is caught as possible. "We're going to take
this fish and show we have a demonstrated need," he
says.
Masten, the tribal
chairman -- whose niece, critics are quick to point
out, is Orcutt's wife, Vivienna -- doesn't disagree.
"We would be shooting ourselves in the foot," he
says, "if we were to start prosecuting our own
tribal members for something we've been fighting for
here our whole lives -- fishing rights."
But Schlosser says
there isn't a precedent for a tribe losing its
fishing allocation because it consistently falls
short of its annual quota. " 'Use-it-or-lose-it' is
not a concept that applies here," he says. "It's
just not a relevant issue."
And Lyle Marshall and
other tribe members take a decidedly dimmer view.
"For our tribal leaders to stand up and say, 'We did
this for you, to protect your rights,' that's
laughable," Marshall says. "It was 100 percent
profit for them."
This past summer's
controversy has revealed a clash of visions about
what to do with the fish that the tribe fought so
hard for. "The demand for fish has created, all of a
sudden, this dispute over traditional values," says
Allie Hostler, the communications coordinator for
the tribal fisheries department. "This is a huge
issue for our people. It's a turning point."
For now, the tribe is
trying to figure out what to do this year. Last
fall, council member Marcellene Norton proposed the
establishment of a tribal fish commission to develop
specific regulations for a commercial fishery. Byron
Nelson, the tribe's vice chairman, is one of the
leading critics of the new wave of commercial
fishing. He thinks it's time to revisit the 1989
referendum in which voters OK'd commercial fishing
in the first place. "The ballot said, 'a tribally
controlled commercial fishery,' " he says. "What we
had in mind was the old traditional fish dam" -- a
log structure built to block fish from migrating
upstream. "We would have everyone participate, and
everyone would get fish."
The fishing issue is
sure to figure prominently in the tribal elections
this April. Meanwhile, Danny Jordan is unrepentant
about fishing for commercial sale when the runs
begin coming up the Trinity this spring. "We are the
die-hard people that are saying, 'Come hell or high
water, we are going to protect this tribe's fishing
rights,' " he says. "If it comes down to Mike Orcutt
and I being the front leaders of that, I guess we're
going to be doing that."