An Owner’s Determination of Use
The essence of private property — your
right to determine its use — can best be understood by contrasting a
system of private property to the alternative. A system of private
property allows you to do with your property what you please, provided
that your use interferes with no one else’s property rights. That is,
you cannot construct a shed for your lawnmower on your neighbor’s
property unless your neighbor grants you the right to do so. This clear
demarcation between yours and mine underlies the
economic
system of laissez-faire capitalism, or free enterprise, in which
individuals own and control the means of production — all the things
we need to turn our ideas into realities. Private property also
recognizes that each person possesses a right to his aesthetic choice
regarding his property. The clothes he wears and the color or style of
his home are not subject to the whim of bureaucracy or the demand of a
majority backed by government force.
By contrast, in a socialist system, the
government owns the means of production. There is no such thing as
private enterprise. If you come up with a way to build a better
mousetrap, the government owns the wood and wire — even the bait —
that your trap requires. To turn your idea into an actual mousetrap, you
must present your idea to a bureaucrat, who may or may not recommend its
implementation to those who control the economy. And there your interest
in your idea ends — along with your incentive to think of other good
ideas. We have witnessed the consequences of such a system in the former
Soviet Union, where today its people have limited wealth, a poisoned
landscape, and human strife.
Sustainable Development relies upon a mix
of socialism and so-called communitarianism. Communitarianism seeks an
alternative to socialism and free enterprise by pretending to
“split” the difference between them, creating what Benito Mussolini
and Tony Blair call the “third way.” Today this idea is often termed
“public/private partnerships.” That is, like the free enterprise
system, the communitarian approach vests ownership in an individual or
association; but like the socialist system, it empowers government to
make decisions regarding use. This guiding vision of communitarian or
Fabian economics modeled on Italian fascism is now familiar to us
through the workings of our local government. [See DVD: "Liberty
or Systainable Development"]
Communitarians seek to create various
rights that conflict with an owner’s determination of use; the owner
still owns his property, but the government, as the arbiter of competing
rights, controls what he can do with it. Socialism and “third way”
corporate privatizations or “public/private partnerships” each form
the foundation for a state collective backed by
force
that abolishes private property and treats human beings as biological
resources. Thus, the premise of communitarianism is, like socialism,
authoritarian. Eventually, as has been the case in Santa Cruz,
communitarianism leads to an economic system operated by the favored
cronies of government bureaucracy. Business interests shift their
allegiance from the consumer — you and me — to the agent of force.
In reality the economics of communitarianism, or public/private
partnerships, is the most insidious and threatening form of socialism.
This form of socialism possesses short turn economic muscle that
nurtures the political fangs that lead to totalitarianism.
Of the political-economic systems, free
enterprise protects the essence of private property, the owner’s right
to determine use. Property law in a free enterprise system seeks to make
your rights compatible with those of every other person. It defines the
boundary at which your sovereignty ends, so that your rights do not
infringe the equal sovereignty of another. You cannot, for instance,
have a property right in the contents of your neighbor’s pantry, which
you neither built nor stocked.
Communitarian policies complicate this
straightforward drawing of boundaries by producing overlapping rights.
Suppose you have stocked your own pantry with canned goods. Suppose, in
addition, that your local government passes a law prohibiting the
storage, disposal, or recycling of metal cans on the grounds that local
residents enjoy a right to a tin-free
environment.
How are you to enjoy the contents of the cans in your pantry when you
have no means to deal with the cans themselves? Suddenly, your ownership
of the canned goods has been effectively nullified: you cannot use
them. Indeed, you will have to transport and sell or give them to
someone in another jurisdiction where metal cans are still permitted.
Your right to use the contents of your pantry has run up against the
supposed right of the members of your community to live without tin. The
result is waste, unnecessary conflict, and a crisis of surplus tin that
will sooner or later lead to further government intervention in the
management of our pantries. Responding to the crisis of its own
creation, your local government may make it illegal to purchase canned
goods at all.
Communitarian policies similarly
complicate the issue of land ownership. Ownership of land includes its
surface, the subsurface, and airspace. Communitarian government often
seeks to take the use of private land by expropriating control of the
airspace through the enactment of scenic-view ordinances. When the owner
protests, the government decrees itself the arbiter of competing rights.
At that point, bureaucratic labyrinths begin to stretch themselves over
the once open terrain of our individual freedoms, complicating and often
prohibiting our right to use the property we own.
This process is all too easy to
illustrate from the pages of our own newspapers. Consider this familiar
scenario: Local government makes laws that create “stakeholder” or
neighborhood rights regarding someone’s unimproved land. When the
owner of that land announces an intention to build new housing, the
government responds by declaring a conflict with the neighborhood’s
rights. It must then arbitrate the landowner’s and the
neighborhood’s competing claims, rendering use of the property subject
to its license or permission.
As this process unfolds, the
landowner’s new housing remains unbuilt. Soon a housing shortage
develops, causing the cost of housing to rise. Aggrieved citizens then
call upon government to provide subsidized, “affordable” housing.
Reacting to the clamor it precipitated, government raises taxes and
vests inefficient taxpayer-funded “nonprofit” organizations with the
authority to build housing on government-owned land. The government, of
course, sets the purchase price for these dwellings and decides who is
eligible to buy them.
Not surprisingly, those who obtain their
homes through the government’s largesse tend to support its policies.
As their numbers increase as a percentage of the voting population, an
electoral class-battle ensues, pitting them against those who would
manage their own lives without government intervention. Such battles
splinter communities, breeding ill will, suspicion, and distrust.
As such destructive, unforeseen
consequences arise from the creation of “stakeholder” rights; the
government reminds those it has injured that it is merely the servant of
the popular will. But “the will of the people” seems to include
neither the landowner’s will nor his rights. The houses he planned to
build remain drawings on a drafter’s table. The land on which he
planned to build them has been laden with new taxes and increasing
regulation. He can exercise his right to the use of his property — to
take the actions that reflect his ownership of himself — only if the
government will let him. Therefore, he does what any reasonable person
would do in such circumstances: he abandons or postpones his productive
activity to acquire sufficient “pull” to win the government’s
favor or at least forestall its depredations.
In this downward spiral of centralized
authority, at least three precious things are swept away: the
consumer’s happiness (yours and mine), the improvement that comes with
rising prosperity, and peaceful trade based on mutual consent.
Check back next week for the concluding
part of this essay.
© 2006 Michael Shaw - All Rights
Reserved
Michael Shaw is a founder and director of Freedom
21 Santa Cruz and is a frequent host of the
nationally syndicated Freedom 21 Santa Cruz Radio
Show. He holds degrees in Political Science
and Law and has practiced as an attorney and as a Certified Public
Accountant. For 20 years he has implemented Abundance Ecology land
management techniques on land he owns on the central coast of
California. His success at creating an indigenous plant
wonderland is unparalleled. Details are
available at www.LibertyGarden.com.
More information on the Nature Conservancy and
Sustainable Development (research documents, subject topic articles,
radio archives, neighborhood tools to counter Sustainable Development
and free subscription to The Report) is available at www.f21sc.net
Web Site: www.freedom21santacruz.net/
E-Mail:
MichaelShaw@LibertyGarden.com