Cultural Relationship of Klamath Tribal People with the Wildlife Resources

Culture to an Indian relates to the way of living adopted by any specific group of people (tribe). It embraces their clothes, their tools and weapons, the food eaten and the language spoken, their religion and the art, the social structure and organization, the methods of transportation and communication - - everything, in fact that is part of their way of living. [1] It includes much more than the modern, semi-restricted definition which would appear to concentrate on the “upper class” social level. An Indian’s culture is an integral part of his past and current history, dating back from the present several thousands of years to a time prior to the white man’s coming to the “new world.”

The Indian of this earlier time was as much an integral part of the land as were the rocks, trees, water and sky. These surroundings were blended into an Indian’s way of life as he merged with them. Though sometimes considered crude or primitive by today’s standards, his use of the land’s resources was natural and fulfilling. Rocks became tools and weapons, various reeds and grasses were woven into bedding and clothing. He took pride in the fact that he could utilize these resources to his benefit and had a concern for their continued abundance. Part of a young Indian’s training was the teaching of personal responsibility in the field of conservation - - or wise use of his available resources. [2]

The concern for continued abundance is expressed by Indians in their religion, ritualistic dances, interpretations of dreams and signs, in his art and everyday living. For example, consider wildlife, one need not look far into Indian Culture to see the importance of the buffalo, eagle, deer, fish, waterfowl, and a host of other lesser forms. The Indian pays honor to these animals by making them subjects of his tales, myths, art and individual adornment - - and depends upon them for his everyday sustenance.

The Klamath Basin is dotted with many lakes, streams and marshes. The prominent lakes and marshes are Agency Lake , Klamath Marsh, Upper and Lower Klamath Lakes , Rhett or Tule Lake , Clear or Wright Lake , Goose Lake , Albert Lake , Summer Lake , Silver Lake , Pauline Marsh plus many small bodies of water in the higher Cascades. Numerous depressions, now filled with marshes and alkali flats, show evidence of former water basins. Major rivers are the Williamson, Sprague, Klamath, Link, Sycan and Wood. Small tributaries, flowing with and without natural outlets, spring up after rains and during the spring snowmelt. Springs feed many streams which flow into and maintain the perennial character of the major waterways.

That wildlife, fish and plant life is a part of the Klamath Indian’s history and culture is natural and obvious. Besides the well-known use of animal and plant names for the names of people, they were commonly used for the names of geographic areas within the lands of the Klamath Indians. Listed below are some of the camping areas within these lands. Only the Anglocized meanings of Indian names are noted. 2 [3]

In the heart of the former Klamath Indian Reservation today are many place names that relate to animals – Eagle Butte, Rat Butte, Mousehawk Butte, Coyote Butte, Wolf Butte, Skunk Butte – these buttes forming what is collectively called the Buttes of the Gods. With a little imagination, one might guess how these descriptive names came about.

As might be expected by the amount of natural waters in the local area, fish such as mullet, salmon and trout were an abundant source of food for the Klamath. Indian tales and myths relate to a time when Mount Mazama “exploded” 6,000 years ago, leaving in its destruction scenic Crater Lake . The first mention made of the Upper Marsh people is in statement by Peter Skene Ogden in 1825 – 26. [4] Although originally hunters, the Klamath’s soon concentrated on fish and other products of the water. To the east and south, the Modocs and Piautes in the Yainax area were destined to be primarily hunters and trappers, thee being no abundant aquatic resources available such as those enjoyed by the Klamaths.

Fishing was done using a variety of methods. Dip nets and gill nets were woven and used where adaptable. Baskets were also used with some success. Harpoons of a two-prong design and multi-barbed spears were used, often at night from a canoe under torchlight. The torch, a blazing pitchy limb, would attract fish within reach of the Indian’s harpoon or spear. Set lines were put out infrequently. Straight bone fish hooks, called gorges, were tied in the middle with a line and trolled in the lakes. When a fish struck the bait, the line was pulled, the gorge turning sideways and becoming impaled in the fish’s stomach. 7,5

Vast quantities of fish were caught each year, the fishing activity being most intense during the annual spring runs of the fish. Fishing together, the Klamath and Modocs might catch 50 tons of fish at one camp on Lost River . 5

Most land animals were taken with the bow and arrow. The Modocs would sometimes employ fire at night to heard deer and antelope into a pond where they were then killed. 5 On Pelican Bay ( Upper Klamath Lake ) tongues of land extend out into the marsh. Deer were driven onto these peninsulas where they might be shot, or if pursued into the water, killed by women waiting in canoes. Dogs were used to some limited degree while hunting.

Long nets were placed along the marshy margins of lakes where waterfowl congregated. The nets, fifty to sixty feet long and three feet wide, were placed underwater and reached from the bottom to the water’s surface. The purpose of the net was to catch diving birds and had to be watched day and night. This would require the Indians to eat and sleep in a canoe while watching the net. The net could also be stretched above the water’s surface and would be dropped on the birds as they flew or swam within it’s reach. Waterfowl could also be “Jack-lighted”. A fire would be built on the dirt in the bow of the canoe and a triangular scoop net would be held upright behind the fire’s light. The birds, flying toward the light, would either become entangled in the net or would drop into the canoe where they would be clubbed. Diving birds were taken with many-pointed spears or arrows with foreshafts made out of wood sufficiently light to float. In the spring the eggs of swans and other waterfowl were collected and eaten.

Nets were also used to catch beaver, otter and rabbits. Deadfalls, used infrequently, were employed on furbearers such as marten, fisher, fox and coyote. Constructed of logs, the entrance was blocked in such a manner that the animal had to step on a triggering mechanism while passing by. (2)

Roots, berries, seeds, wild fruits and other edible plants were an important part in the diet of the Klamath. Early spring found many families leaving their winter homes and moving to the marshes and prairies to gather wocus, ipos, camas root, arrowhead root, huckleberries and other wild edibles. While the women were busy with the harvest the men would hunt and fish.

The seeds of wocus, a water lily, was an important staple food. Wocus, which grows primarily in the marshes and along lake borders, was harvest in wooden canoes. In 1902, it was estimated that the Klamath Marsh alone contained 10,000 acres of the plant. In late summer to autumn, berries, nuts, and seeds were gathered and stored for the coming winter season. 2

The Klamath Indians, out of necessity, had to be a hunter, fisherman and gatherer, taking advantage of what was available at the particular time of year. Tending to be universal in his diet, he excluded from the larger animals only those that were obviously carnivores. The following table appears in Spier’s Klamath Ethnography, illustrating the discrimination among the game. (2)

Antelope, tca ‘ u (taken in Klamath Bobcat (or lynx?), slowa ‘ (or Marsh). slet).

Ground squirrel, mEsa ‘ s Small mouse, blai ‘ nEutcna ‘ s (occasionally eaten). (or Nonw ‘ o ‘ kus).

Loon, doplal. Small loon, lo ‘ liuks (not eaten by children for fear of sickness).

Each animal, or group of animals, was prepared in a certain manner to bring out the individual character of the meat. Porcupine, beaver, badger and raccoon were boiled. The skin was peeled from a beaver’s tail after it was roasted, but not boiled. Paws of grizzly bears were baked in ashes and then skinned. Deer meat, eaten fresh, was made into jerkey for the winter months when meat was not readily available. Fish were dried in the sun, sometimes smoked, and then hung in the rafters of the houses. Even with this treatment, some tainting of dried fish was evident by the end of winter and the spring fish runs were anxiously awaited. (5) Some of the dried fish was ground into a powder and stored in rawhide bags for making soups, chowders and fish cakes. 6 Although not a regular part of the diet, moth chrysalids might be collected in late August and September and pit-roasted between layers of grass with a covering of bark and earth. (2)

Salt was not known until the advent of the white man coming into the basin. In fact, the early Klamath language had no word for “Salt” or for “Tide”, indication that they did not associate regularly with the Coastal Indians who were scarcely one hundred miles to the west. (3)

Wocus seeds were ground into a “meal” and could be eaten dry or boiled into a type of mush. The liquid produced from boiling was often imbibed cold. Berries and fruits were eaten fresh and dried and stored. The women collected grass seeds by beating them from the plants with paddles into baskets. The seeds were eaten dry or mixed with water to make “mush”. Roots such as arrowhead and camas were often pit roasted and eaten and stored in large tule-sacks. Ipos, gathered in early spring, were dried and eaten raw. Young tules were pulled up from canoes and the shoots eaten fresh. Below is a list of some of the plants eaten as listed in Spier’s, Klamath Ethnography with their scientific and Klamath names. (2) (Page 166-167 in American Archaeology and Ethnology).

Wildlife resources provided many other “necessities” of life in addition to food. A variety of plants were used for medicinal purposes. Pitch from Lodgepole pine was used to cover burns and sores to protect the surface from the air. A tea made from the roots or buck brush was used as a remedy for coughs and other lung and bronchial conditions. The mashed herbage of sage brush was ingested to check diarrhea and applied externally as a substitute for liniment. Emetics were made of various foliage, twigs, barks and berries. (2)

Wood was used in many practical application such as the making of tools, weapons, shelter, and fire. Fire was not only used for warmth and cooking, but also as an efficient means to remove larger masses of wood while shaping canoes, falling trees or trimming logs to the desired length. (2)

Bedding consisted of woven tule mats thrown over beds of grass. Occasionally a blanket with bird feathers worked into the weave was used for added warmth or for decorative purposes. (5)

Buckskin, so frequently associated with Indians and their dress, did not reach the Klamaths until the early 19^th century. This use of hides for clothing and footwear was common to the Plains Indians at that time and reached the Klamaths via the Columbia River tribes. A more common Klamath dress was a mantle of animal skins covering tule leggings, tule sandals stuffed with dry grass, and mittens made of coyote fur. The fringed skirt, man’s shirt, breechclouts and moccasins were made of buckskin, although poorer Klamaths substituted woven tule or marsh grass for this purpose. Buckskin, cut into long strips (nine inches wide cut with a deep fringe) was sometimes decorated with beads and sewn into various garments for decorative purposes. (2, 5)

Otter fur, cut into strips, was used to wrap the braids of both men and women. Similarly, otter fur strips were used to bring together the tops of cylindrical hats made of cotton-wood bark. Coyote, beaver, skunk or elk strips might be substituted for this purpose. Other hats were made from the scalps of deer or bear, including the ears but not the face. In times of need or if spring was delayed, buckskin could be boiled or broiled and eaten. (2, 5)

It should be noted that no part of an animal was wasted – hides, bones, claws, talons and antlers all served some functional purpose in everyday living. Various parts of the animals were used for ornamentation. Elk teeth, rattlesnake rattles, bear teeth and claws, deer dewclaws and hooves, polished deer antler sections, porcupine quills and many other items were attached or sewn into garments. Patterns and techniques could many times be related back to the particular style of the individual designer. Bird feathers were also woven into baskets and blankets for these same reasons. Shells of mussels and snails were often attached to the clothes in concentric rows across the yoke and along the borders of dresses and shirts. (5, 6)

Necklaces, worn by both men and women, were made of dentalia shells and beads. Claws were not used with the exception of grizzly bear claws which were worn by the shamans. Two dentalia shells were often inserted into the nose septum, being so placed that the larger ends were in the septum, the sharper ends projecting to either side. Ear lobes were pierced, but instead of inserting the dentalia shell in the lobe, four shells were fashioned into a pendant to hang down from the ear. (2)

Porcupine tails, when the ends were drawn together and stuffed with dry grass or shredded sagebrush bark, became hair brushes. The longer quills were removed, and after drying, the remaining quills were burned off even. Only the stiffer body of the quills would remain. The Indian’s hair was greased ordinarily with fish oil, but when available, deer tallow or the fat of skunk, otter, beaver, or mink might be used. (2)

The Klamaths played many games to pass a cold, winter night. One game, called “spitting the moon”, involved skewering a tule ball with a porcupine quill. To do so was thought to hasten the advent of spring. Beaver and bear teeth were used for dice in other games. The “stick game” was played with two polished sections of deer leg bone, one marked and the other unmarked. The object of the game was for the opponent to guess which hand held the marked piece. Sticks (nine or ten?) were used for counters and were passed back and forth depending on the correctness of the game. When one individual had all the sticks, the wager was passed and a new game was started. Often this game would last several hours. 7 (5)

An evening’s entertainment might also include the telling of myths and tales by the elders. These stories were often punctuated by the antics of crafty Mink and his mischievous younger brother Weasel, or the actions of vain and odorous Skunk, the Chimpmunk Sisters, and dire Owl. While entertaining, such tales and myths were often used to relate some historical event or to teach a lesson for the future. (3)

The shaman, having many “powers” over the tribe’s activities and their surroundings, represented his power by the stuffed birds and animals hanging from the beams of his house. His costume might include woodpecker scalps sewn into the material. Each of the items in his possession represented a particular power over the unknown. (5)

As already noted, the early Klamath Indians used all parts of an animal, except possibly the intestines which could be eaten as personal preference. A classic example of near-total utilization is that of the deer. 8 A single specimen provided:

Sinew - sewing “thread”, hafting chipped stones to arrows and spears, stripped from either side of the backbone.

Antlers - rattles, ornamentation, noise makers, auls, needles, gouges, gaming pieces, personal tools.

Various other bones - gaming pieces and tools. When split after roasting, the marrow could be eaten.

Meat - totally utilized, either eaten fresh or dried and made into jerky for winter use. When dried, could be used as a base for soup.

Total use of harvested game was expected of the early Klamaths. Hunting and fishing were not viewed as a sporting venture, but as a necessity to life and existence. Young Indians, even before attaining adult status, were taught this concept – “Take only what you need, and use all that you take.” Portions of Coburn’s paper demonstrate how his teaching is expressed by the Klamath Indians of today. 9

“Boys begin going hunting with their father at a very early age. During this time they are learning how, where, and when to hunt; the deer’s habits; how to care for the carcass; etc. etc.”

“If they should abuse game, such as to fail to track a rippled deer down, or should waste game, the Ga-gon-as will go ahead of them in the future and scare game away from them. They will never become successful hunters.”

“His father, who is also very anxious, will explain what the boy did wrong when he misses.”

“He must distribute his first kill to other people usually elders, widows, favorite relatives, etc. At first it is very difficult for the boy to face giving away his first kill, as he is so proud of it, but the purpose of giving away the meat is so he will learn to share his good fortune with those that are less fortunate.”

“He will often kill several deer on a hunt. The meat is not wasted, but it is distributed, as was taught him, and which he will continue to do the rest of his life.”

Comments extracted from a recent survey of Klamath Tribal Members further illustrate current attitudes on hunting and the concern for abundant wildlife resources. 10

“I hunt for three people, mostly my mother and sister. I get one (deer) for my sister every now and then, three to four deer a month, mostly toe-heads (better eating). I live on Klamath Marsh and depend mostly on deer and fish and in the fall a duck now and then (not as many duck these times so I don’t kill many). And when I run across a young porcupine I kill it to eat.”

“Fishing season should definitely be closed during spawning season. Deer, elk, and antelope (hunting) should be stopped during April and May, for the males are poor and the females are having babies.”

“I don’t think anyone should kill eagles, (for) religious (purposes) or not.”

“It distresses me to see some of the clear-cut logging the forest service promotes on our

reservation. We know that the present practice does alter the migratory routes of ourwildlife, which does not help conserve our game animal population.”

“Stop doe hunts, stop open elk hunting, cut down bow season, stop overgrazing sheep, stop clear cutting.”

In this same wildlife survey Klamath Tribal Members were asked to list, in order of importance, the wildlife resources important to them. From the extensive lists and general comments contained in the surveys, concern of the Klamath People for continued abundance of wildlife resources is quite clear. (10)11

[1] Pierre, G. 1971. American Indian Crisis. The Naylor Co., San Antonio , Texas .

[2] Spier, L. 1930. Klamath Ethnography. U. of California Publications in American Archeology and Ethnography Volume 30, pg. 156-160, 173, 207-215.

[3] Gatschet, A.S. 1890. Ethnographic Sketch of the Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon . (Extract from Contributions to North American Ethnology, Volume 11, Part 1) Shorey Book Store, 815 third Avenue , Seattle Washington , 98104 , SJS #118, $4.95

[4] Johnson, O.M. 1947. The History of the Klamath Indian Reservation – 1846-1900. M.S. Thesis presented to the Department of History, University of Oregon , Eugene .

5 Stern, T. 1966. The Klamath Tribe. The University of Washington Press, Seattle.

6 Chiloquin, E. (1976?) Return of the Raven. Klamath Printing Company.

7 Howe, C.B. 1968. Ancient Tribes of the Klamath Country. Binfords & Mott, Portland , Oregon 97242 ($4.95)

8 Rank, R. 1975. Paper on the Klamath Indian Culture and History.

9 Coburn, J. 1975. Paper obtained from Mr. Butch Crume, Dir. Organization of the Forgotten Americans, Chairman Klamath Indian Game Commission, Klamath Falls , Oregon .

10 Survey of Wildlife as to their importance to The Klamath Tribe. Survey conducted by Fish and Wildlife Department of the Klamath Tribe, February 1985.

11 Taylor , W.P., Editor. 1956. The Deer of North America . The Stackpole Company, Harrisburg , Pa.

Historical – Cultural Relationship of Klamath Tribal People with the Wildlife Resources